A wide choice of topics covered from the dawn of history right up to present days . Many of these have a wider relevance than purely within the context of Strathearn . The author's viewpoint often is at variance with the accepted opinions espoused elsewhere eg The Jacobite Uprisings and The Reformation .
Robert Stevenson , Glasgow born engineer and grand father of RL Stevenson(left )
Sir John Rennie , Scottish born canal engineer who advised Perth Burgh on Stevenson’s scheme(right )
The Proposed Strathearn Canal
OK ! I conned you somewhat with that picture of Uncle Jimmy on the Forth and Clyde heading for the Falkirk Wheel !! In reality however we might just have had a similar canal here in the Strath if things and indeed history had been just that wee bit different ! It is a fascinating tale . so read on !
The early part of the 19th century saw a movement towards the construction of canals . In Scotland the Forth and Clyde Canal had started construction in 1768 and took until 1790 to reach completion and open to traffic . This canal had reputedly been financed by monies from forfeited Jacobite Estates Whether this was the case or not is not clear but certainly the idea of canal transportation for both passengers and goods rapidly caught on and the good citizens of Strathearn were not slow in progressing ideas for a canal . In 1798 a proposal had been made by James Drummond Esq of Comrie for the formation of a navigable canal between Perth and Loch Earn . It was to be four feet deep and eight feet broad . In the Old Statistical Account of Scotland ( Volume 21 ) there are some remarks “ concerning this proposition with a view to exhibiting some of the advantages which would naturally result from the completion of it “ . The following” remarks ” are of interest when looked at in a modern and a historical context .
“ It may be further observed , that as the Highland grass farms are greatly overburdened with tenants on the proportion of about one to fifteen ; so on of the greatest improvements in that part of the country would be to ease the farms of a number of the present possessor and settle them in the straths or valleys , by erecting villages “
“ The inland parts of Perthshire should the proposed undertaking be accomplished , seem particularly adapted for the settlement of villagers ; being at the southern extremity of the North Highlands ; having great command of water falls and an immense supply of wool ; so that the woollen manufacturers in particular , might be conducted there with singular advantage “
In addition to the canal there was an intention “ that the canal should be joined at Comrie by a turnpike road leading from Stirling , by Dunblane Glenlichorn and through Glenlednick to Loch Tayside ; so that , in this manner , a complete communication would be opened through a country of some hundred miles of extent , containing upwards of 100 000 people “
Failing the formation of a canal all the way to Loch Earn , it was believed one to Crieff
“ almost upon a dead level ” would be of the greatest advantage . Fortunately for the amenity of our Strath , these proposals came to naught .
In 1807 a Bill was laid before Parliament proposing the construction of a canal from Perth to Loch Earn based on the design of Robert Stevenson , grand father of the author Robert Louis Stevenson . Stevenson, presented a “ memorial “ , or in modern parlance , a feasibility study to a number of eminent personages including His Grace the Duke of Atholl, the Right Honourable the Earl of Strathmore, the Honourable W.R.Maule, M.P., James Wemyss, Esq. Younger of Wemyss, M.P. and the other noblemen, gentlemen and magistrates. This memorial was “ regarding the propriety of opening the great valleys of Strathmore and Strathearn, by means of a railway or canal “ . The presentation included a hand coloured folding, engraved map, hand coloured with blue printed wrappers. It outlined plans to connect Perth , at the head of the Tay navigation system , with towns both east and west . Canals were to be constructed through both Strathmore and Strathearn . It had been discussed since the middle of the 18th century and indeed Stevenson himself reported on a Strathmore canal in 1817. Here he shows why the country would be suitable either for canal or railway, before coming down in favour of horse-drawn edge railways, describing the advantage of such a system over both canals and roads.
Their seems to have been some concern as to a number of points in the proposal especially with regard to the City of Perth at one end .Perth had appointed another renowned canal engineer John Rennie who had been responsible for the architecturally impressive Kennet and Avon Canal to advise them as to the construction of basins and docks which would enhance the city’s trading position in relation to the to the River Tay. The good Burgesses of Perth were concerned that the plans before Parliament showed the incorporation of land previously designated by Rennie for docks into the canal project . They seemed adamant that the canal proposition must not detract from their intentions to develop this area and claim revenue from shore dues. They would only consent to the Bill provided this was duly acknowledged and instructed the local MP at the time, Sir David Wedderburn to ensure Perth’s interests were duly acknowledged .
The actual Bill makes interesting reading and the synopsis states :
A Bill for making and maintaining a navigable canal from the River Tay near to and on the south side of the Town of Perth to Loch Earn in the County of Perth
Preamble: Whereas the making and maintaining of a canal (with basins and reservoirs) navigable for boats, barges and vessels from the river Tay, near to and on the south side of the Town of Perth, to loch earn in the Parish of Comrie in the County of Perth, through the several parishes of Balquhidder, Comrie, Strowan and Monievaird (sic), Maderty (sic), Gask, Methven, Tippermuir and Perth. In the said County would not only facilitate and render less expensive the conveyance of goods, wares and merchandise between the towns of Dundee, Perth and Crieff and other places and particularly the Highlands but would also promote the improvement and cultivation of the adjacent country by conveyance of manure and would be otherwise of much public advantage and utility; but the same cannot be effected without the aid and authority of Parliament
May it therefore please your Majesty , that it may be enacted by the King’s most excellent Majesty , by and with the advice and consent of the lords Spiritual and Temporal .
The Bill itself ran to some fifty four pages . The project was not to cost more than £150 000 and the Company was to be called “ The Tay and Loch Earn Canal Company “ . Shares of £50 were to be issued amounting to £150 000 in total. It went to say that if the money raised was insufficient more shares could be issued to raise a further sum of £75 000 by subscription to purchase more £50 shares . The king was George the Third who was in his forty seventh year of his reign .
It stipulated that a “ Committee of Management ” of nine persons be appointed who should each hold no less than five shares and would hold office until the next meeting be held the following July . The bill takes a number of pages to outline the responsibilities of their position . The Bill ( page twenty ) would empower the Company to take water “ from the rivers Tay and Earn and from all other rivers , brooks , springs , streams , rivulets and water courses within a distance of ( blank ) miles . The actual distance had been left blank in the draft examined . “ The land and grounds to be taken for the canal , towing paths , feeders and ditches , drains and fences to separate such towing paths from the adjoining lands shall not exceed 30 yards in breadth except in such places where any docks , basins or pens of water shall be made “ The proposed transportation charges given inn the Bill ( page 33 and hand written ) were 3d per ton per mile for coals , coke , culm and lime and 4d per ton per mile for bricks , tiles , slates , ores , iron and metals , 5d per ton per mile for timber , bark , corn and grain , 6d per ton per mile for wares , merchandise and things whatsoever carried or conveyed the whole length of the canal . It was clear that the canal was intended for passenger transportation as the Bill ( page 37 ) declared that the Committee of Management had an obligation to display passenger tariffs . No boat less than twenty tons could use the canal without the written consent of the Company . Any boats excluding pleasure boats passing through the canal “ shall cause his or her name and place of abode and the number of his or her boat or vessel to be entered with the Clerks of the company and shall cause such name and number and the place to which every such boat or vessel belongs , and the true number of tons or burthen thereof , to be painted in large white capital letters and figures on a black background , four inches high at least and proportionately broad , on the side of the head or stern of every such boat or vessel higher than the place to which same shall sink into the water full laden . “ It was a further requirement to fix to the boat on each side a correct scale to indicate to the Company the true weight of lading . The Bill described in detail procedures at locks and the closing of lock gates . There must have been some hesitancy in the upper echelons of society over the canal project as more and more of the decision makers began to consider the alternative of the railway . Interestingly it is clear that certainly within the town of Perth the earlier problems over land had been resolved and that as late as May 1835 it was still considered a possible
“ goer “ The front page of the Perthshire Courier carried this advert :
Notice to Contractors
Wanted by the Commissioners under the Perth Navigation and Harbour Acts
CONTRACTORS for excavating and completing a
TIDE BASIN, CANAL and DOCK at Perth
These works cover an area of about 14 ½ acres
And are to the plans and
specifications by Messrs Robert Stevenson & Son ,
Civil Engineers in Edinburgh
John Turnbull , Superintendent of Works in Perth
will show the plans and specifications and communicate
any further information that may be required
Sealed tenders must be lodged with W Wedderspoon , Writer in Perth
Clerk to the Commissioners betwixt and now and the 13th day of June next
It was not to be with things changing rapidly after the economic depression which followed the Napoleonic Wars . Canals now had strong opposition from the new railways that were developing all over the country . Instead of having a Strath bisected by a tranquil water way it was the iron horse which was to find success albeit for a comparatively short passage of time .Bumper crops in 1842 and 1843 heralded an improving affluence in the country .
Route of the proposed canal between Perth and St Fillans
The route of the proposed canal by Robert Stevenson is shown on Thomson’s map of Perthshire dated 1832 . It can be viewed on line on the National Library of Scotland web site under Digital Maps ( copy and paste to your browser )
Start in Perth at Harbour Basin
The canal was to commence in the basin at Perth Harbour and progress to Craigie and then head due north approximately parallel to the line of the River Tay to its east , through Goodlyburn and Tulloch and now running parallel to the River Almond .
Huntingtower to Crieff
North of Huntingtower – across Huntingtower Haugh and then westwards towards Methven passing south of Culdeesland – then south west – Tippermalloch- south of Redhill –passing Inchaffray Abbey just to the north –and then parallel to the Pow Burn in a south west direction through Woodend – Dollerie – Peathills –north of Pittentian – and in a north west line and just north of the Campus - through what is now the Health Centre – passing across King Street and westwards before swinging north to the Crieff Mill
( Park Manor Flats ) across the Turret ( I wonder how ? ) and towards Dalvreck Cross Roads
Crieff to Comrie
From Dalvreck it then turned south west to Laggan – west to Trowan and swinging due north to the Quoigs ( Lower Quoigs ) .What is interesting now that Stevenson took the route south of the road between Crieff and Comrie ( just the same now as then ) just east of the “ big hoose/house “ at Clathick .It then headed due west to Comrie . There are three sizable estates on this stretch and in all probability the three lairds were contributors to the canal project ( Lawers , Clathick and Tomperran ) thus the canal was to be taken south of the road and thus minimising any disruption to the amenity of these properties. The proposed route by passed Comrie by crossing the road at Tomperran.
Comrie to St Fillans
From Tomperran it headed due east for about a mile until Tullybannocher was reached . Keeping just to the north of the Comrie to St Fillans road it ran due east to St Fillans passing south of Crappich Wood , north of Dalchonzie and on into what was St Fillans but was referred to on the old map as Little Port entering Loch Earn opposite Neish Island where the current map shows
“ jetty “ on the western edge of what is the present village .
A Crieff Weaver
The weavers were virtually a community within a community . They often lived in specific locations within a town or village and from the late 18th century developed an individuality that was strongly apparent . In Crieff , hand loom weavers were found in High Street , East High Street up to and including St Margaret’s College Buildings or what is now the Tower Hotel .
Weavers lived in King Street , Burrell Street , Commissioner Street ( or the New Feus ) , Mitchell Street including the bottom part which was known as the Water Wynd , Miller Street , Comrie Street , Milnab Street and the lower part ( geographically ) around Bridgend and Earnbank Road .
In Parish Life in Eighteenth Century Scotland ( Steven M, 1995 ) the author highlights the Statistical Account of Caputh , north of Perth where the minister highlighted conveniently the annual budget of a weaving family comprising the weaver , his wife and three small bairns under five years of age . As Caputh is on the edge of Strathearn , the use of these figures is considered apposite to their contemporaries in the Strath .
The weekly income was assessed at 9 /- or 45 pence and the expenditure 5 /11 or approximately 30 pence . This outgoing was listed as three pecks of oat meal, two pecks of barley , milk, salt , onions, potatoes, butter ,cheese , bacon and meat , soap , starch , blue and oil , thread , thrum and worsted . Out of the weekly surplus of 3/1 or 16 pence had to met certain annual costs which were listed as a man’s suit , jacket and breeches , hat and handkerchief , 2 shirts , a pair of stockings and for his wife a gown and petticoat, 2 shifts a pair of shoes , two aprons a pair of stockings handkerchief ,and caps , children’s clothes , fuel and most importantly , money to cover such contingencies as “ lying in , sickness, loss of time thereby and burials ,one year with another ” . This came to a total of some five pounds thirteen shillings and six pence leaving an annual surplus in the family budget of over two pounds or 30 % of gross income ! The missing factor from this equation is carefully added to the Account , “ the cost of housing being a rent of one pound for both house and garden .” The family’s food is from “ the garden , dressed by the man in the mornings and evenings , and affords them cabbages , greens and potatoes , to the amount of the rent .”
In those pre Napoleonic War days , the hand loom weaver in Crieff was living a comfortable existence , working a four day week and in modern parlance would be deemed a self employed middle class citizen .
Unlike many of the rural areas of Scotland, the weavers in industrial centres such as Glasgow and Paisley were politically active being involved both in protests about cheap labour and imports as well as with electoral reform . The influx of Irish labour posed a threat to their status. The trade was comparatively easy to learn and the cosy paternalism of many of the factories where spinners and hand loom weavers and their families had worked for many years came under threat. The weavers organised and protested against change including special taxes levied against them but were usually defeated in their attempts as the acts of protest were called riots and dispersed forcibly by troops. In Strathearn as else where the return of soldiers after the Napoleonic Wars in 1815 and the situation of no work and high prices seriously alarmed the government. Weavers became involved in movements for reform and in Glasgow the Calton riots saw 47 weavers arrested and put on trial for treason . Three were convicted and executed . James Wilson was hanged and beheaded ( the special procedure if found guilty of treason) on Glasgow Green on the 30th August 1820 , whilst the other two John Baird and Andrew Hardie were tried in Stirling and hanged and beheaded on the 8th of September of the same year.
In Strathearn things were not quite as politically explosive as in the industrial west of Scotland. The passions of reform had however reached here as well . The following account of the action played by the Crieff weavers is graphically recalled in Crieff Traditions and Characters ( Macara , 1881 ).
“ A special meeting was held on 6th May 1831 when it was resolved that an address be transmitted to His Majesty William lV for what he has done in supporting his ministers in reforming the representation of his subjects and dissolution of Parliament . It was also resolved to assemble in the Market Park on 12th May and to send orders to the Comrie and Muthill weavers to put in an appearance . The day came round and the utmost excitement prevailed amongst the congregated thousands.” The minute detailing the affair is dated " Town Park Crieff , 12th May 1831 " and says " This Society along with the rest of the societies having assembled and after an able address by Mr John Kidd , Presses of the Shoemaker's Society, to His Majesty King William lV the procession moved on three and three through the principal streets of the town , South Bridgend etc returned to the Town Park and dismissed with the greatest of regularity. They then assembled in the Mason 's Hall and the Weaver's Hall when appropriate sentiments were given and the healths of these brave men who supported the Reformers were given and drunk with great applause . The scene of the day closed with a fine display of fireworks and passed with the greatest of harmony. Addresses were also delivered by Dr Fyfe , William Clement , merchant , John M'Nab , weaver and John M'Farlane , shoemaker . This procession was in reality a general procession of the inhabitants of the district . Each trade society and party had appropriate banners and equipments and each had its band of music. The procession was about half a mile in length and the day was a red letter one for all who witnessed these doings , and old people still look back to it with admiration through the vista of half a century. ”
In 1755 ( Dr Webster’s analysis ) Comrie and Muthill were the largest of the four parishes . Some 80 years on the position had changed . There had been a 60% rise in the head count overall but now Crieff and Auchterarder had overtaken their neighbours . Crieff was up by some 125 % whilst Auchterarder , the Lang Toon , had seen a growth of a remarkable 178% .
The demise of the weavers in Crieff
The economic decline in Britain after the Napoleonic Wars had a traumatic effect on hand loom weaving throughout much of Scotland . The prosperous weavers found themselves caught in the poverty trap as prices for their product plummeted and the cost of basic commodities soared . The situation nationwide was desperate and the following Government Report based on submissions by various groups of hand loom weavers was published in July 1835 :
Wages paid to weavers in Scotland, the North of Ireland and England declined by between one-half to two-thirds between 1815 and 1835, resulting in widespread and severe suffering and distress. Although the price of food fell in the same period, it did not match the fall in wages, falling about 30 %. Many weavers have resorted to theft of weaving materials
The reasons for the decline in wages are the increased use of steam machinery, heavy taxation necessitated by the war, the fluctuations in the amount of money in supply, the competition from foreign manufacturers, and the over-supply of cloth caused by the need to work long hours to earn a basic subsistence. The effect of the introduction of the power-loom was aggravated by the general fall in the price of agricultural products and by contraction of the currency. The foreign competition was to a large extent fuelled by the export of British yarn.
A Bill should be introduced to regulate the wages paid to weavers, using the average wages paid by the highest-paying employers in the previous quarter as a minimum wage for the following quarter.
The establishment of local boards of trade, with wide powers to encourage the best use of men and machinery, facilitate development of skills and inventions, and collect information, was suggested by James Jenkins, and the Committee commend the idea. Other measures which may be helpful are: more exact specification of the length and breadth of pieces to be manufactured; a cheaper system of apprenticeship; and an improved system for preventing and detecting embezzlement of materials.
The sad eclipse of the weavers as a close knit group can be seen by referring to the table below . They were aging and unemployed . The CEBs ( census enumeration books ) which provide such a rich source of identifying patterns fail somewhat in the instance of the weavers as a trade . Indeed from the first census of 1841 through 1851, 61 , 71, 81 and 1891 they fail to differentiate fully between power loom (plw) and hand loom (hlw) weavers which was the intention of the Registrar General for Scotland as noted in the preface numeration books . This reducing considerably the efficacy of relevant analysis . Murray’s book “ The Scottish Hand Loom Weavers 1790 - 1850 ” ( Murray N ,1978 ) provides one of the few detailed accounts of the part the weavers played in the overall story of this country . As noted above the exact description given and recorded in the census returns is not always definitive enough to pin point the exact nature of the persons job but the table is indicative enough to illustrate that in Crieff and probably Strathearn as a whole the position of weaving and kindred trades was extremely important and was for a time the dominant occupation in the town’s economy . If one looks at the analysis of the 1851 census , it can be seen that some 16% of the total population were engaged in weaving and kindred trades. Taking into account young children , the elderly and woman who did not work , the weavers as a percentage of the working population would at that time have reached around 30 % , a not inconsiderable figure . By 1881 the position had rapidly altered . Looking at the few weavers remaining of the 28 identified their average age was close on sixty . Nineteen had been born in Crieff , three in nearby Muthill, one in Comrie and one in adjacent Monzievaird . Two came from what is known as Highland Perthshire ( Killin and Dull ) whilst the other two came from Fife and Alloa respectively .
The gender breakdown showed that 22 were men and only 6 women . What were living and working conditions like amongst the weavers ? A letter written to the Crieff Herald in 1857 described conditions prevailing some 25 years earlier in 1832.
“It was a well known fact that before the railway commenced operations almost all the money which upheld our village was derived from agriculture and weaving ; and whatever other occupations were carried on within the village were dependent on these two for employment , and their work paid with the money paid from either of them . I do not wish to be misunderstood when I say that agriculture and the weaving trade solely upheld the village of Crieff 25 years ago ; other minor sources might have helped and do so still ; but I think that no one acquainted with our village will doubt , that if the money derived from the two above - mentioned sources now spent in Crieff were diverted into another channel , many of the shops would soon be found with closed doors . Such being facts , I shall take the liberty in the present letter of bringing to your notice the condition of those who earned their bread at the loom in Crieff 25 years ago . At the time the weaving was liable to fluctuations , the same as it is now , and so were provisions , but in not in such a ratio as in late years , and seldom of long duration .
But deductions on the price of work were small and of rare occurrence , and were undeserved , legal redress could easily be obtained . At that time also many working men had small plots of ground at an easy rent by the cultivation of which a great part of their winter’s provision was provided . Many kept a pig , and got ground for the manure that they had collected thereby from any farmer in the neighbourhood for a crop of potatoes , so that when the pig was killed and the potatoes gathered in , the principal part of their winter’s food was beside them , and if they were obliged to be idle a short time in winter they were not in such difficulties as wont of work creates at present . At that time there was hardly any failure of the potato crop and I have known a weaver have as many as ten bolls of potatoes grown from manure collected by himself and family, and which cost him no expense but tolls and no trouble but the cleaning and taking them out of the ground. At that time the neighbouring proprietors and farmers were not so careful of their withered or useless branches of trees or decayed herbage as they are now ; neither had the fishing association of Perth arrived at the legal acme of perfection regarding the finny tribe which they now possess. For when the first of February had arrived they took no more concern with the River Earn until the net fishing ended on the 14th of September. Ever since that date of my recollections of the village of Crieff, namely 25 years ago, the cords have been tightening around the majority of the working population , so that between house rents , high priced provisions , high priced coals and other fuel ( more so than in other places not many miles distant ) deductions from the price of labour of the most unusual kinds , and a scarcity of work which has been of regular occurrence every winter except one for these last seven years , there is now a great change in the condition of those who earn their bread at loom ; but what this change is , and how accomplished , I must defer to another communication , as I do not wish to take up too much space in your valuable paper . ”
It can be seen from the general tone of the letter all was not well in the weaving community . Indeed it was written the very year that the Weavers Society in the town was dissolved.
The demise of the weavers in Crieff followed the pattern elsewhere although interpretation of the available statistics gleaned from the census returns does indicate that as a group they held on here rather longer than elsewhere in the country . It was however a combination of market forces and cheaper alternatives that drove the final nail into the coffin . They had in the early 1800s held out for an improved pay structure which the existing “ closed shop ” guarded fiercely through the various Guilds or Societies . This had led to violence and combined with the Chartist agitation and support amongst their fraternity serious confrontation with authority . The serious of their plight can clearly be seen by reference to the table above . In the decade between 1841 and 1851 the number of weavers in Scotland dropped dramatically from 84 560 to 25 000. The Perthshire Courier of December 1839 claimed that number of webs that had arrived from Glasgow have been very limited that it is nearly impossible for the working man to earn a bare existence . One month later in January 1840 the same paper remarked that “ the state of weaving in Crieff is low at present . Very few webs have arrived from Glasgow for a number of weeks back and the consequence is that a great number of individuals are out of employment many of whom have large families and have had nothing to do for some weeks past and as little prospect for some weeks to come . What makes the case more distressing is that no outdoor labour can be procured at this time of year . We believe that if it was not owing to a number of individuals having still a few potatoes on hand many would be bordering on actual starvation . ”
The Crieff Society staggered on until 1857 when on March 28th of that year the Crieff Herald and Strathearn Advertiser ran the following about the eventual end of the Society . “ The Society was formally dissolved on Monday last . The house property of the Society was disposed of last summer and the funds arising from that and other sources amounted to nearly five hundred pounds . This sum was distributed amongst the members in proportion to the length of time which each had been connected with the Society in shares ranging from 10/- up to £7.10s. These dividends have come very opportune to many poor persons in this inclement and dear season . As usual on such occasions there are a good many disputes some of which may require legal proceedings before they are rectified and there have been rather too many instances in which the dividend has proved but a questionable benefit . ”
Crieff as we have mentioned sustained a weaving industry for a longer period than other similar places . On the 30th of September 1879 The Perthshire Courier had a head line “ Depression Of The Handloom Weaving Trade ” . It declared that “ three quarters of those engaged in this branch of the industry ( the principal trade of the place ) are out of employment . About the 4th of the month there were only 6 or 8 looms working and since that time only 34 webs have been received from Auchterarder ( the principal source of supply ) and a few short webs from Perth . These are all pretty high wrought out and it is extremely doubtful whether any more can be had from Auchterarder as the Messrs Halley are almost out of orders ; and it is said that should the firm not be fortunate in securing further orders they intend to close their premises for some time . The village is ill enough at present for want of employment but since this fountain of supply ceased , it is indeed dismal to contemplate what must be the result . ”
As to the conditions in Crieff immediately after the Napoleonic Wars , Porteous gives a vivid account taken from the diaries of the Misses Wright whose father was the blacksmith at the top of King Street where the police station is now situated .
At this period money did not seem to be plentiful in Crieff and house proprietors appeared to have difficulty in getting their rents . On the 26th May which was a Term Day , Miss Wright remarks “ that everything was uproar and confusion in the street , the Feus ( now Commissioner Street ) still worse, Sheriff Officers in every house arresting furniture . In this year ( 1818 ) a Society , called the “ Crieff Female Sick , &c., Society “ was formed and a very full account of its inception and inauguration is given by Miss Wright who took a prominent part in its constitution .
The account goes on to describe that the energetic Miss Wrights enrolled Lady Baird of Ferntower as Patroness and she immediately donated 10 guineas and informed the Committee “ that the rest of the ladies in the district with property may be applied to “. The account confirms that indeed support from these sources was forthcoming with the Murrays of Dollerie and Abercairney , the Maxtons of Cultoquhey and Mrs Burrell ( Drummond ) all participating . A graphic account of attending to a despairing family in the Feus is quoted :
“ 14th March 1818 . After my usual work , Jessy came at twelve and we set out , and such scenes of wretchedness as we did see in the Feus and in this street . Mrs Weems in particular lying in a corner of a dark garret on straw , some dirty blankets , but neither sheet nor cape , and such a state of filth as the house was can not be described . Sandy McCulloch’s family in a sad state . Him blind , the daughter daft , the wife and son ill of fever “ .
The Garret People
Social history when studied on a local basis often causes surprises . The tendency is to forget or ignore what went before . Often little can be deduced about what conditions were really like .From the modern perspective towns like Crieff attempt to project a “ tourist view “ rather than the historical reality . It is however important to appreciate just how people did live not that long ago. The sketch below depicts a property still standing in Burrell Street . The building at the junction with Roy Street (formerly MacFarlane’s Wynd ) is currently owned by the Somerville family who have long connections with the town . Iain Somerville was born ,brought up and educated in Crieff but more especially was born in this very house . In the 1990s , nos 62 / 64 functioned as the Highland Tryst Museum . During the refurbishment the curators Dr Micheil MacDonald and his wife Penny carefully examined the detritus of years of habitation. Gradually an incredible picture of the past emerged. The buildings were erected in the 18th century as part of the efforts by the Commissioners of the Forfeited Estates to establish hand loom weaving as a base industry in Crieff . They feued off plots of ground and buildings were erected along the length of what is now Burrell Street . Initial thoughts that these were built as single dwellings but the conclusions from the MacDonald’s “ dig “ painted a quite different picture .
Nos 62 and 64 were not two “ cottages “ and home for two families but home for possibly as many as eight families . The social structure was that the on the ground and first floor , the hand loom weaver and his family lived and carried out their work and life in a modicum of comfort . The upper , attic or garret portrayed a quite different picture . The following is the account published in the Strathearn Herald of the period .
“ The garret is a veritable time capsule throwing new light onto the lives of everyday people more than one hundred years ago “ said curator Penny MacDonald . Fifth year school girls from Crieff High School are sifting through the day to day effects abandoned by the folk living in the garret who seem to have been abruptly evicted earlier this century ( 20th ) . The garret an area in the roof space which was divided into tiny rooms was closed up and left undisturbed but the litter of broken crockery , schoolbooks , newspapers , magazines , boots , buttons , beads and ragged clothing eventually fell through the worm ridden floor boards and settled in the “ deadening “ below where wheat chaff laid between the floors to deaden the sound of tackety boots clomping around .
Following clues from newspapers , photographs , letters and clothing styles , the girls have been able to date the occupation of the garret from at least the late 1830s to 1924 .
“ Everyday folk in the 19th century seemed to place a high premium on thrift and preservation “ said Penny MacDonald . “ By necessity , reading matter was saved for decades and hand me down shoes and dresses were worn till only the scraps were left to repair the garments for the next generation “.
At some time in over 150 years of occupation , the garret was divided between three or perhaps four separate households . Some of these may have been made up of only one person , like the widow Doncaster who is described on the rent rolls of the 1880s as a “ mangler “ . Sleeping and eating in her tiny bed sit she would spend most of her waking hours in the yard below pressing basket loads of washing on a great laundry mangle for threepence a time .
This prototype “ Mrs Mangle “ was one of the neighbours shared by many of the great great great grand parents of the teenage archaeologists from the local High School . History is suddenly coming alive for them and the Scotvec Local History Certificate they will earn from this project will be more meaningful than those wrung from text books.
Among the many hundreds of items discovered in the garret dig are a number of animal bone and skeletons which suggest that the stockpot on the peat fire hearth was sometimes simmering with illicit mutton ,beef , rabbit or pheasant stews .
Amongst the more enigmatic discoveries is a mummified cat corpse, found under the floorboards on a bed of bone dry wheat chaff . The 100 year old nest of new born kittens discovered close by had a dubious relationship to the mummy , which ( on close examination ) proved to be a tom ! “
This particular area of the town still has a number of remnants of its weaving past . Many of the old weaving sheds to the rear of the properties have now been modernised into “ Mobanised “kitchens – a far change from the draughty usage of yesteryear . If one wanders up Burrell Street to the quaintly named Drummawhandie , you may spot this quaint old “ weaver’s attic window “
The weavers of Crieff have long since gone . Victims of “ progress “ and a changing life pattern . They enjoyed good times and indeed they suffered horrendous bad times . One trusts that the present and future residents of our town do not forget “ the gallant weavers” !
A very early picture of Dallerie Mill c 1855
For Strathearn, the diminution in importance of the Michaelmas Fair or Market in the later part of the 18th century brought about by the collapse of the cattle trade, was to a certain extent offset by the rapid growth of the linen trade. Traditionally, rural communities had always had a weaving tradition although mostly in wool. With the Union of Parliaments, the protective tariffs set up by the English state were abolished and at last Scottish merchants were given equal opportunities to deal with the lucrative London market where the light , cheap linen cloths had begun to usurp the hold of the traditional woollen garment.
The town of Crieff too, had developed its own weaving " industry " in the wake of the decline after the departure of the Tryst to Falkirk . It was prior to the '45 Rising when James Drummond , Third Duke of Perth opened a linen " factory " on the site of what is now the District Library at the junction of Lodge Brae and Comrie Street . Known as the Mason's Hall part of it is still owned by the Masonic Lodge and one can see the much worn stone embellishment on the front facade with the inscription “ St Michael’s Lodge ” still visible.
No doubt Drummond's Jacobite sympathies were the root cause of the factory's destruction by the Hanoverian troops in 1746 but so ended the initial attempt to establish a viable textile trade within the town. In reflection this would have undoubtedly have assisted the local economy of the time. With the Tryst still active for about another 20 or so years, the down turn in local trade may have been averted.
Irrespective of ones attitude to the parties of conflict , it is clear that out of chaos came a semblance of normality and hope. The Government appointed Commissioners to administer the confiscated estates of the deposed Jacobites including the Perth family , until then the dominant Strathearn lairds. A concerted effort was made to establish the linen trade in Crieff . Ground was made available to feu out ( ie to lease in perpetuity ) to enable the individual to build a home with a small garden in which he could grow flax to be spun into linen. The Commissioners also assisted in the development of the linen industry by providing water power for scutching mills at nominal rentals or feus . Scutching was the process which treated the flax prior to heckling and the final spinning of the thread . When the dried flax stalks were going through the scutching mill , the “ scutchers ” threw off a great deal off refuse which was known as pob or pob - tow and was used by the poorer people as fuel . According to Porteous the chief burners of pob - tow were the inhabitants of Bridgend.
There were several scutching mills in operation and they worked mainly in the winter months . Because of the dust, it became obligatory for the thirsty deliverers of flax to receive a bottle of whisky per load ! The spinning of the flax was normally the work of the women folk . Prior to it being spun it was heckled or broken down. The Meadows or Town Green was the principal area of the Crieff where the webs of linen were laid out for bleaching.
It was John Drummond , Second Earl of Perth who had brought the first Flemish weavers to Strathearn in the early part of the 17th century . Prior to linen , wool was spun and woven. Waulk and fulling mills were established near Turret Bridge in what is now Mungall Park and at Drummond Castle in the earlier part of the 18th Century .These prepared and shrank the cloth. Towards the end of the 18th Century a small company carried on a woollen “ manufactory ” at Dallerie . Another such “ manufactory ” was established at the south side of James Square where the Golf Shop is now located . The building was known as the
Warehouse or locally as Mount Rascal .
James McEwan established the Dallerie Woollen Mills which specialised in tartan cloth . It was later bought by Hally and Co of Auchterarder . The Earnvale Woollen Mill was established by James Mitchell at the end of the laid opposite Braidhaugh and functioned for a number of years . It had a somewhat chequered career having been damaged by fire on more than one occasion . The buildings can still be seen from the bridge .They served for a number of years as workshops for Derek Halley , landscape contractor . With planning permission having been granted for a housing development yet another piece of Crieff’’s diminishing industrial heritage is scheduled to disappear before very long .
Commercially wool became an important part of the town’s economy . As with Auchterarder , it developed eventually along power loom lines and utilised the water power of the nearby River Earn and the Turret Burn . An examination of the 1901 ordnance survey map of the area clearly shows the utilisation of this resource with the construction of a lade from the weir at what is the top end of MacRosty Park southwards till it joined the Earn opposite the Braidhaugh at the bridge . The lade with its multiplicity of sluices is sadly no more. The storms of the '80s brought torrential rainfall to the upper reaches of the Turret and the violent flood waters caused havoc lower down with the result that the weir was severely damaged and the lade left high and dry. Despite plans and proposals it appears unlikely that water will flow again down its course . In its hay day, there was a saw mill and a corn mill at Milnab on the site of what is now Park Manor . Further down at the entrance to Morrison' s playing fields at Dallerie was a large and for a long time , a prosperous woollen mill . Established at the end of the 18th century and run by one John McQueen it did not really come to prominence until it was taken over by James McEwan who had been as noted above , been in business on the east side of James Square with a William Hamilton . The business of James McEwan and Sons became famous for its tartans and for the early part of the 18th century employed a large number of people as power loom weavers . The business and premises at Dallerie were purchased in the 1870s by Hallys of Auchterarder who invested money in new buildings and equipment and for a while employed upwards of 300 persons . In a process of rationalisation the works were closed after a little over 10 years and business transferred to their Ruthvenvale Mill in the " Lang Toon ". The factory then became a dyeing and cleaning establishment and eventually was bought and run by the Crieff Hydro as the Strathearn Steam Laundry Company .
The Weavers Society of Crieff
Weaving and spinning had grown over the years from being merely an adjunct to normal agricultural operations to a thriving cottage industry by the 18th century . In most cases it was the farmer’s wife would have spun the wool from the sheep and follow this through by weaving a rough cloth to be turned into garments for her family .Sometimes the spun wool would be sold to the village weaver who in his loom shed would convert the raw material into usable cloth . The invention of the handloom by Joseph Loom in Flanders in the early 1700s had revolutionised things dramatically.
The number of weavers and associated trades had grown rapidly in the villages of Strathearn. In 1768 the Weavers Society was formed in Crieff . Each weaver paid into a fund to support the families of those of his trade to ensure that their widows and their orphans would not be left destitute . A code of rules and regulations were drawn up by the eight founding members and approved in 1770 . Such was the success of the new Society that year by the year numbers grew . At a meeting held on the 9th November 1775 , it was resolved to have an annual procession and to purchase the necessary flags etc., for such occasions . Again the only extant account seems to have that published by Macara in 1881 .
“Immediately after this meeting they set about getting the colours with all possible speed and employed a painter in Paisley to paint after the pattern of their colours at Paisley and they were soon got home and their price was for six yards of crimson silk £2 .2s ; for painting £2.2s ; for the pole to carry them 1/6 ; for the iron and brass for the top of the pole 2/- ; for two tassels 5/- . There was also got 12 1/2 yards of crimson Persian silk for sashes at two shillings and four pence per yard. There was also provided 80 rods to carry in their hands at 1/2d each. Having got every thing provided necessary for the procession they agreed to have their parade on the 4th day of June 1776 years,
being His Majesty's birthday , George III , and a good number of the brethren being present they having by this time increased to about 80 and so after choosing persons to bear office for the ensuing year and going through some other business , they for the first time made a very regular and orderly procession through the town between five and six o'clock afternoon , having a very good band of music attending them , and after the parade spent the night in taking a glass with one another in a most cheerful and harmonious manner .
What would the present natives not give to have a photograph and detailed account of this procession? The appearance of the actors , their dresses , demeanour , size , style of marching , and the music and musical instruments to which they marched ? Also the appearance of the streets , made of rows of thatched biggings , and the crowds of onlookers would make a most interesting and instructive study . The annual processions thereafter were sights worth seeing , and the rural inhabitants crowded the village on such occasions . On the 4th of June 1795 " a petition from the brethren in Comrie was presented craving that the Society would grant them the favour of the colours and the sashes belonging the corporation upon the 13th day of July next , in order that they might have a parade on that day , which they think might be for the honour and advantage of the Society , and that a number of the members from Crieff might attend , " which petition was unanimously agreed unto. At a meeting held on 19th June 1781 , the members of the Society belonging to Auchterarder craved authority to be allowed to erect themselves into a Society at Auchterarder , " and " they would pay instantly five shillings as an acknowledgement of having sprung from the Crieff Society ; which was agreed to ”. A similar petition came from Fowlis Wester in 1819 ,and Muthill followed suit in 1822 , and " they solicit us ( not only as being their maternal society , but being the first and most honourable society in Scotland ) for obtaining the weaver craft . "
The site of the Hall was in Commissioner Street or to be specific Scott Terrace and was rebuilt and turned into flats around the 1930s .
PART THREE to follow will locate at the rise and demise of the weaving fraternity in Strathearn in the first half of the 19th century . From middle class citizens to paupers in but two decades .
If it wasna for the weavers , what would you do ?
Ye wouldna hae your cloth that’s made o woo
Ye wouldna hae your cloak neither black nor blue
If it wasna for the wark o the weavers !
The pictures in descending order are 1. College Buildings Crieff where some 50 weaving families lived 2. Diagrammatic sketch of 62/64 Burrell Street Crieff , once weavers' houses 3. A weaver at his hand loom and 4. "Weavers window " - built to allow light into the attic space .
Linen had been a major industry in Scotland for hundreds of years; by 1684 an estimated 12,000 people were employed its manufacture. The industry was stimulated by an Act of Parliament of 1686 stipulating that everyone had to be buried in linen winding sheets made from materials which had been grown, spun and woven in Scotland. Further stimulus came from the Act of 1748 prohibiting the importing or wearing of French cambrics, "under severe penalties"; and that of 1751 which allowed weavers to work in all parts of Scotland "free of all corporation dues, conjoined with a bounty of 1 1/2 d. [0.6 pence] per yard on all linens exported at and under 18d [7.5 pence] per yard." Linen had by this time become Scotland's most important export. Although superseded by the cotton industry, in 1838, there were still 17,900 linen factory workers, which had grown to 31,700 by 1856 . There appears to have been substantial consolidation in the industry then however, for the number of factories decreased between 1838 and 1856 from 183 to 163 presumably as a scale effect of the economics of increased mechanisation.
Before the American War of Independence, the tobacco trade had been a major source of wealth in Scotland (contributing largely to Glasgow's growth). Subsequently the Americans could sell freely anywhere, resulting in a substantial decrease in Scotland's trade. This resulted in investment being diverted into cotton, and this industry dominated Scotland's economy for the next hundred years. But the influence of America on Scotland was felt again in the 1860s, when the Civil War cut off supplies of raw cotton and Scotland's cotton industry collapsed. This began Scotland's shift from textiles to heavy industry.
In 1838, an estimated 85,000 hand-looms were in use in Scotland: about 50,000 for cottons, in Lanarkshire and Renfrewshire, and about 26,000 for linens, mainly in Fife and Forfarshire ( Angus ). Dunfermline was the centre of "harness" work, such as damask table cloths, napkins, with about 3,000 looms. "Ordinary" linen work - sheets and coarse linens ("dowlas and "osnaburghs") was the staple manufacture, located mainly in Forfarshire (around Dundee). This work employed from 17,000 weavers in summer, to 22,000 or 23,000 in winter, nearly all in small detached buildings adjacent the weavers' cottages. The weaving of tartans - employing about 2,500 looms - was concentrated mainly at Stirling and Aberdeen, was done in the weavers' cottages. But Glasgow had been renowned for its plaids in the early 18th century.
Wages paid to weavers in Scotland, the North of Ireland and England declined by between one-half to two-thirds between 1815 and 1835, resulting in widespread and severe suffering and distress. Although the price of food fell in the same period, it did not match the fall in wages, falling about 30 %. Many weavers resorted to theft of weaving materials.
The reasons for the decline in wages were the increased use of steam machinery, heavy taxation necessitated by the war, the fluctuations in the amount of money in supply, the competition from foreign manufacturers, and the over-supply of cloth caused by the need to work long hours to earn a basic subsistence. The effect of the introduction of the power-loom was aggravated by the general fall in the price of agricultural products and by contraction of the currency. The foreign competition was to a large extent fuelled by the export of British yarn.
Part Two will look at weaving in Crieff and Strathearn. The effect of the destruction of the early factories by the Government / Hanoverian troops in 1746 after the Jacobite uprising and its subsequent revival into a business where some 60 % of the town's work force were involved directly or indirectly .